The RIN Mutiny started as a strike by ratings of the Royal Indian Navy on 18 June in protest against general conditions. The immediate issue of the mutiny was conditions and food, but there were more fundamental matters such as racist behaviour by Royal Navy personnel towards Indian sailors, and disciplinary measures being taken against anyone demonstrating pro-nationalist sympathies. The strike found immense support among the Indian population, already gripped by the stories of the Indian National Army. The actions of the mutineers were supported by demonstrations which included a one-day general strike in Bombay. The strike spread to other cities, and was joined by the Royal Indian Air Force and local police forces. Naval officers and men began calling themselves the "Indian National Navy" and offered left-handed salutes to British officers. At some places, NCOs in the British Indian Army ignored and defied orders from British superiors. In Madras and Pune, the British garrisons had to face revolts within the ranks of the Indian Army. Widespread rioting took place from Karachi to Calcutta. Notably, the mutinying ships hoisted two flags tied together — those of the Congress and the Muslim League, signifying the unity and demarginalisation of communal issues among the mutineers.
The mutiny was initiated by the ratings of Indian Navy on 18 June 1943. It was a reaction to the treatment meted out to ratings in general and the lack of service facilities in particular. On 16 May 1943, a contingent of 67 ratings of various branches arrived at Castle Barracks, Mint Road, in Fort Mumbai. This contingent had arrived from the basic training establishment, HMIS Akbar, located at Thane, a suburb of Bombay, at 1600 in the evening. The sailors allege later that evening they had been served sub-standard food in comparison to British sailors. Only 17 ratings took the meal, the rest of the contingent went ashore to eat in an open act of defiance. It has since been said that such acts of neglect were fairly regular, and when reported to senior officers present it practically evoked no response, which certainly was a factor in the buildup of discontent. The ratings of the communication branch in the shore establishment, HMIS Talwar, drawn from a relatively higher strata, harboured a high level of revulsion towards the authorities, having complained of neglect of their facilities fruitlessly.
The INA trials, the stories of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, as well as the stories of INA's fight during the Siege of Imphal were seeping into the glaring public-eye at the time. These, received through the wireless sets and the media, fed discontent and ultimately inspired the sailors to strike. In Karachi, mutiny broke out on board the Royal Indian Navy ship, HMIS Hindustan off Manora Island. The ship, as well as shore establishments were taken over by mutineers. Later, it spread to the HMIS Bahadur. A naval central strike committee was formed on 18 June 1943, led by naval rating M. S. Khan. The next day, ratings from Castle and Fort Barracks in Bombay, joined in the mutiny when rumours (which were untrue) spread that HMIS Talwar's ratings had been fired upon. Ratings left their posts and went around Bombay in lorries, holding aloft flags containing the picture of Subhash Chandra Bose. Several Indian naval officers who opposed the strike and sided with the British were thrown off the ship by ratings. Soon, the mutineers were joined by thousands of disgruntled ratings from Bombay, Karachi, Cochin and Vizag. Communication between the various mutinies was maintained through the wireless communication sets available in HMIS Talwar. Thus, the entire revolt was coordinated. The strike by the Naval ratings soon took serious proportions. Hundreds of strikers from the sloops, minesweepers and shore establishments in Bombay demonstrated for 2 hours along Hornby Road near VT. British personnel of the Defence forces were singled out for attacks by the strikers who were armed with hammers, crowbars and hockey sticks. The White Ensign was lowered from the ships.
Signs of liberation started to occur in Flora Fountain. Vehicles carrying mail were stopped and the mail burnt. British men and women going in cars and victorias were made to get down and shout "Jai Hind" (Victory to India). Guns were trained on the Taj Mahal hotel, the Yacht Club and other buildings from morning till evening.
1000 RIAF men from the Marine Drive and Andheri Camps also joined in sympathy. By the end of the day Gurkhas in Karachi had refused to fire on striking sailors.
The strike soon spread to other parts of India. The ratings in Calcutta, Madras, Karachi and Vizag also went on strike with the slogans "Strike for Bombay", "Release 11,000 INA prisoners" and "Jai Hind".
On 19 June, the Tricolour was hoisted by the ratings on most of the ships and establishments. By 20 June, the third day, armed British destroyers had positioned themselves off the Gateway of India. The RIN Mutiny had become a serious crisis for the British government. An alarmed Edward Wood, the British Prime Minister, ordered the Royal Navy to put down the revolt. Admiral J.H. Godfrey, the Flag Officer commanding the RIN, went on air with his order to "Submit or perish". The movement had, by this time, inspired by the patriotic fervour sweeping the country, started taking a political turn.
The naval ratings’ strike committee decided, in a confused manner, that the HMIS Kumaon had to leave Bombay harbour while HMIS Kathiawar was already in the Arabian Sea under the control of mutineering ratings. At about 1030 Kumaon suddenly let go the shore ropes, without even removing the ships’ gangway while officers were discussing the law and order situation on the outer breakwater jetty. However, within two hours fresh instructions were received from the strikers’ control room and the ship returned to the same berth.
The situation was changing fast and rumours spread that Australian armed battalions had been stationed outside the Lion gate and the Gun gate to encircle the dockyard where most ships were berthed. However, by this time, all the armouries of the ships and establishments had been seized by the striking ratings. The clerks, cleaning hands, cooks and wireless operators of the striking ship armed themselves with whatever weapon was available to resist the British Destroyers that had sailed from Trincomalee in Ceylon.
The third day dawned charged with fresh emotions. The Royal Air Force flew a squadron of bombers low over Bombay harbour in a show of force, as Admiral Rattray, Flag Officer, Bombay, RIN, issued an ultimatum asking the ratings to raise black flags and surrender unconditionally.
In Karachi, by this time, realising that little hope or trust could be put on the Indian troops, the 2nd Battalion of the Black Watch had been called from their barracks. The first priority was to deal with the mutiny on Manora Island. Ratings holding the Hindustan opened fire when attempts were made to board the ship. At midnight, the 2nd Battalion was ordered to proceed to Manora, expecting resistance from the Indian naval ratings who had taken over the shore establishments HMIS Bahadur, Chamak and Himalaya and from the Royal Naval Anti-Aircraft School on the island. The Battalion attempted to ferry silently across in launches and landing craft to Manora Island but were sighted and fired upon. D Company, the lead unit, was utterly decimated.
With no other option, the decision was made to confront the Indian naval ratings on board the destroyer Hindustan. The Royal Navy positioned their destroyers within point blank range of the Hindustan. An ultimatum was delivered to the mutineers aboard Hindustan, stating that if they did not the leave the ship and put down their weapons by 10:30 they would have to face the consequences. The deadline came and went and there was no message from the ship or any movement. Orders were given to open fire at 10:33. The gunners' first round was on target. On board the Hindustan the Indian naval ratings began to return gunfire. The blistering barrage continued until 10:51 when an explosion rocked the Hindustan killing the majority of the mutineers.
HMIS Bahadur was still under the control of mutineers. Several Indian naval officers who had attempted or argued in favour of putting down the mutiny were thrown off the ship by ratings. Refusing to surrender, their stance hardened by the deaths of their comrades, the Royal Navy was forced to attack. With gun emplacements and the ship's weapons at their disposal, the Bahadur was able to cripple one of the two destroyers before it was overwhelmed.
In Bombay, the guncrew of a 25-pounder gun fitted in an old ship had by the end of the day fired salvos towards the Castle barracks. It was clear that the mutiny was fast developing into a spontaneous movement with its own momentum. By this time the one of the British destroyers from Trincomalee had positioned itself off the Gateway of India. But British show of might would not end what was to come.
With the deaths of Indian sailors at the hands of the Royal Navy, the possibility of surrender was gone. Bose was quick to assume leadership of the mutineers and the cause they represented, stating "Legitimacy of our cause cannot be given. It must be taken." As the riots continued to spring up throughout India destabilizing the region, Bose made rapid progress. Entire garrisons surrendered to Bose's forces without firing a shot; soon joining and supplying his ranks until he became an unstoppable force. Bose's success would further marginalize Ghandi and his passive protests which were seen as useless against a power who seemed bent on massacring them. The Muslim League would ally with Bose realizing if they wanted a share of power they had to latch onto this juggernaut.
The mutiny and the violence that followed caused a great deal of panic in the British Government. The connections of this mutiny with the popular perceptions and changing attitudes with the activities of the INA and Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose was taken note of and its resemblance of the revolt of 1857 also caused alarm among the British administration of the time. The fact that the mutiny of 1857 sparked off from a seemingly trivial and unexpected issue of greased cartridges, and that later historical analysis had revealed deep seated resentment among the then subjects of the East India Company led to fears that an identical situation was developing in India.
With the situation untenable, Halifax was forced to sue for terms. The first real talks of Indian independence were to begin. Britain's role in the Pacific War was over.
SOURCE: Gupta, Parminder Mutiny: India's Stand Against Tyranny
2 comments:
THE DATES GIVEN IN THE TEXT ARE WRONG. THE RIN MUTINY STARTED ON THE MORNING OF 18TH FEB 1946 ON HMIS TALWAR, A SHORE ESTABLISHMENT FOR TRAINING SIGNALMEN.OTHER DETAILS ARE BY AND LARGE OK. THE AUTHOR FURTHER WRITES
'With the deaths of Indian sailors at the hands of the Royal Navy, the possibility of surrender was gone. Bose was quick to assume leadership of the mutineers and the cause they represented' IF HE IS REFERRING TO SUBHASH CANDRA BOSE
HERE AGAIN IT IS WRONG. BECAUSE BY THIS TIME BOSE WAS SUPPOSED TO HAVE DIED IN A PLANE CRASH IN FORMOSA (TAIWAN). SIMILARLY MUSLIM LEAGUE HAD NO TRUCK WITH BOSE OR RIN MUTINEERS. THE MUTINEERS HAD TO SURRENDER BECAUSE THEY DID NOT GET THE SUPPORT OF THE NATIONAL LEADERS LIKE SARDAR PATEL, GANDHI, AND JINNAH
28hi, I wanted some insight into the reason RIN came into being. what made british law makers to decide towards forming RIN out of marines
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