The Fall of Chiang Kai-Shek

By October, the combined forces of the Sichuan Clique and Japanese forces had managed to shatter the Kuomintang Army and capture Chiang Kai-Shek. Wang Jingwei offered positions in the Provisional Government to the Sichuan Clique comparable to those they had had under Chiang with added benefits which they were quick to accept.
Chiang was tried and found guilty of treason to the Chinese state. He would be executed November 27, 1943.

With the Provisional Government now in full control of the country, Wang Jingwei signed a treaty with Japan recognizing Manchukuo, Menjiang, the Xinjiang Republic, and numerous trade policies which favored the Japanese Empire. It also allowed for Japanese occupation at key points throughout China and limited China's military size and composition.

The communists under Mao would struggle on though without military aid they found their support faltering. The Japanese and Provisional forces destroyed every village suspected of helping the communists, killing hundreds of thousands and eroding all support for the guerillas until Mao would be captured in 1945, given up by a traitor in his own ranks.

SOURCE: Liu Bao The Fall of the Kuomintang

Sichuan Clique Switches Sides!

21 September 1943 - The Sichuan Army has parted ways with Chiang Kai-shek threatening to bring down Nationalist forces in China. Representing over a quarter of Nationalist forces, the Sichuan Army broke from Nationalist ranks via an alliance between faction leaders Yang Sen, Liu Wenhui, Deng Xihou, and Tian Songyao. All had grown tired and bitter over the three sided war devastating China and Chiang's handling of domestic affairs. With the United States suffering through a war on two fronts, the British retreating from India, and all hope of supply gone, the Sichuan Clique had finally had enough. There had been grumbling over the decline in their independence under Chiang and rumors that the Nationalist leader had poisoned one of their own, Liu Xiang, in order to exert greater control over Sichuan Province.

Chiang Kai-shek finds himself in a desperate battle to hold onto Sichuan. There are fears that if he allows one ally to desert him, others will follow.

Wang Jingwei has already voiced his support for Sichuan Province to join his Provisional Government and to oust the rebellious Chiang. Japanese, Mengjiang, and Provisional Chinese forces have begun an assault south through eastern Gansu into Sichuan in what many believe to be the final showdown between Japanese and Chinese forces. Should Sichuan fall, Chiang's capital, Chengdu, would fall with it and possibly spell the end of organized Kuomintang resistance.

SOURCE: The Daily Telegraph

The Path to a Pacific War

Many questions have arisen as to why the Japanese invaded Russia (Operation Haichi-Go) with an ongoing conflict in China as well as American pressure not to intervene in Siberia. The leading theory is that the Japanese believed Russia was nothing more than a corpse waiting to be dismembered, the head chopped off by the Germans and the life blood of industry, population, and raw materials bled out and lost with its European lands. Siberia held less than 30% of the Soviet Union's former population, nearly every factory was now in German hands, and the Russian Army, or what was left of it, was poorly armed. The lure of potential raw materials and land at so little cost drew Japan like the Sirens' call.

Many in the Imperial Army were sure the campaign would be over quickly and that President Dewey of the United States would not intervene in their affairs, much like his predecessor, President Garner. Garner, being a staunch isolationist, was against any involvement in Asia despite Congress' constant attempts to intervene throughout the Second Sino-Japanese War as stories of atrocities and threats to American investment in the region mounted. Dewey's saber rattling was perceived as a hollow threat to sate the interventionists in America. Some records have arisen corroborating this theory with many Japanese generals on record stating their belief that the whole of Siberia would fall within a month. A thorough combing of Imperial records also revealed there was little to no planning on the contingency of American intervention in Operation Haichi-Go.

Thus it came as a surprise to the Kwangtung Army when their initial drive was blunted by dug in Siberian troops. Russian soldiers are famous for their defensive capabilities as the Japanese quickly discovered. The first week of fighting along the border was brutal with the Japanese taking incredible casualties for every foot of earth. Each step forward saw Siberian forces stiffen. Despite a numerical advantage of troops (3:1) and the use of aircraft and armor, the Japanese could not shatter the Russian line.

Though the Russians were surprising the world with their resistance, their forces were beginning to crumble. Nearly half of the Russian Air Force was lost in the opening stages of the war, the remainder pulled back to protect the core of the rump Russian nation should the Japanese break through. Russian armor, meanwhile, proved useless as fuel stocks quickly ran dry and resupply proved impossible. Vlassov knew there was no way to defeat the Japanese offensively. He could only hope to bleed the Japs and pray that the American embargo would make future attacks untenable. He sacrificed men and land for time.

With the failure of the opening week, many in the Imperial Staff were afraid they had found themselves in another China. Siberia had seemingly become another meat grinder into which Japanese soldiers were lost. The situation was further exacerbated by the American oil embargo. With stocks of oil limited, the campaign had to be settled quickly. Incredible solutions were offered to successfully conclude the war from the use of gas to biological weapons. The most radical approach of all was a proposal of diplomacy with America made by the Prime Minister. For once, the Imperial Staff was inclined to listen.

Japanese Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe felt pressure from the Imperial Staff to find some solution to the debacle they had bumbled into. Already, the Imperial Staff were putting together a plan to seize the Dutch East Indies to alleviate the oil problem, part of the staff certain America wouldn't end the embargo even if Siberia fell. The oil of the Indies would solve Japan's needs and make her immune to future American economic dependence. Likewise, seizure of British possessions in the region would help to create a buffer to protect against American counterattacks sure to come. British power had been waning since 1939, their colonies ripe for the taking. Also, problems continued to fester in India which Japan fostered tying up what few British troops were available. Initial victory seemed assured as there were no real forces to oppose their plan.

The very notion of assaulting the Indies and British possessions throughout the South Pacific horrified Konoe who saw such an act as likely to draw America into a war which could only end in Japan's utter devastation. The idea of launching yet another campaign while two others (China, Siberia) were ongoing, especially one that could draw the United States as an adversary, was to be avoided at all costs.

Konoe had been against the Russian invasion from the beginning, hoping instead to mend Japanese-American relations rather than gamble the destiny of his people on yet another military adventure. With detereorating conditions in China, Konoe had hoped to achieve recognition for the Wang Jingwei Government, stripping Chiang of support and possibly pushing the stubborn Generalissimo to the bargaining table so that the war could end. Garner had been deaf to such pleas, instead waiting for both sides to destroy each other and caring little for the bloodshed. With Dewey, Konoe hoped he'd found a ready ear. When the Army invaded Siberia, Konoe found his plans in tatters.

With the Imperial Staff drawing up plans for a strike likely to start war between America and Japan, Konoe made a desperate attempt to avert conflict. He proposed a personal summit with Dewey–in the United States if necessary–to come to some understanding. Konoe secured backing from the Navy and the Emperor for this move. The Army reluctantly agreed, provided that Konoe adhere to the consensus foreign policy, and be prepared to go to war if his initiative failed. Konoe secretly confided to a friend that he intended to grant concessions to the US, including withdrawal from Russia and China, using direct authority from the Emperor. His friend cautioned that he would be assassinated upon his return. Konoe agreed that this was likely, but felt that it was worth the personal risk.

Dewey played along, even though he felt that negotiations were probably a waste of time after his initial dealings with the Japanese. He also doubted that Konoe could make an agreement that was both acceptable to the US and to the militarists at home. Dewey told Ambassador Nomura that he would like to see more details of Konoe's proposal, and he suggested that Juneau, Alaska, might be a good spot for a meeting.
Meanwhile in Siberia, the strain of battle began to take its toll on Siberian troops. Repeated air attacks served to pound their nerves raw. Japanese armor would shatter them. Desperate for progress at any cost, the Japanese focused their assault at Khabarovsk in what was the first use of Japanese blitzkrieg tactics. They hoped to split the Russian line, roll up the east all the way to Vladivostok while using the Ussuri River to protect their flank, and then regroup for the push west. 29 April, Japanese forces commenced their assault. Softened up by artillery and air bombardment, the depleted Siberian ranks finally broke when Japanese armor crashed through. A sliver of Siberia was lost, the first hairline crack in Vlassov's defenses. This victory served to cool the Imperial Staff's initial interest in a diplomatic solution to the crisis. The Imperial Staff became even more averse to dealing with the United States when they found American weapons among some of the Russian soldiers' corpses.

On 5 May, Konoe met the Emperor with chiefs of staff Hajime Sugiyama and Osami Nagano. Alarmed at military officers accompanying the Prime Minister, Emperor Showa asked what happened to the negotiations with Dewey. Konoe replied that, of course, negotiations were primary, and the military option was only a fall-back position if negotiations failed. The Emperor then questioned Sugiyama about the current state of affairs in Siberia. After Sugiyama answered positively, smiling broadly as he releated the victory at Khabarovsk, Hirohito scolded him, remembering that the Army had predicted that the invasion of Russia would be completed in only one month.

The next day the policy about the preparation for war against "United States, United Kingdom, and Holland" was formally proposed at the Imperial Conference. Hara Yoshimichi, the Privy Council President, observed that the plan seemed to put military action ahead of diplomacy. Standing in for the Emperor, he asked if that was the case. There was silence. No other figure, including Konoe, attempted to answer the question.

The Emperor then stunned the gathering by speaking out. He stated that Hara's question was an important one, and that it was "regrettable" that none of the senior leaders had addressed it. He then read a verse that had been composed by the Emperor Meiji:

Throughout the world
Everywhere we are all brothers
Why then do the winds and waves rage so turbulently?

He stated that he had often reflected on this verse, which represented the Emperor Meiji's desire for peace, a desire that he shared. Stung by this unexpected rebuke, Navy Chief of Staff Nagano rose to defend the policy, assuring the Emperor that this consensus document was not a decision to go to war and that priority will be given to negotiations.

The Imperial Conference adopted the policy that would result in the attack on Pearl Harbor. The policy established a set of minimum demands that must be met through negotiations. If Konoe's negotiations did not bear fruit by mid-August, Japan would commence hostilities against the United States and the Netherlands' Pacific holdings. The minimum demands included a halt to the economic and oil embargoes, withdrawal of political support for the Chinese Nationalist government, an end to military aid for Russia, agreement to keep Western military forces in the Pacific at their current level, and non-interference in Japan's attempts to bring" peace" to China. In other words, to accept Japanese hegemony over China, Manchuria, Mongolia, Russia, Burma, and French Indo-China, and Japanese military primacy in an even broader swath of the East.

SOURCE: Dawn of the Pacific War

President Dewey Attempts to Cripple Japan!

8 April 1940 - Following Japan's invasion of Russia last week, President Dewey has cut all oil exports to Japan. The threat of an oil embargo was made by the president last month following a buildup of Imperial forces along the eastern Siberian border in what was perceived by many to be preparations for an invasion. This comes on the heels of Dewey's earlier Export Control Act passed in March which halted shipments of airplanes, parts, machine tools, and aviation gasoline; a move meant to slow if not halt Japan's growing militarism across the Asian continent. For the past year Congress had attempted to pass such legislation only to have it vetoed by President Garner who accused the legislature of trying to start a war. With Dewey, Congress has become much more confrontational with Imperial forces.

Since taking office in January, President Dewey had made an effort to bring Japan and China to the bargaining table to end their ongoing conflict. Rebuffed by the Japanese, who refused any negotiation that called for their retreat from Chinese territory, the president made it known he would not tolerate an expansion of Japanese military operations in Asia.

With reports of massacres and genocidal campaigns gradually emerging from China via survivors of those atrocities, America's isolationist stance has eroded. From San Francisco to New York City, many are demanding American moral action against the savage Japs.

In Washington, Senator Taft declared Dewey's act of embargo one more step forward on a path destined for war. He pointed out Dewey's immediate push for re-armament, the president's increasingly vocal attacks on the Imperial government, and now an economic blow meant to cripple the Japanese war machine. Taft went further, stating, "The president is poking at a snake. How long before it turns and bites him for it?"

Pieter Sjoerds Gerbrandy, Prime Minister of the Netherlands government in exile in the United States, has ordered the Dutch East Indies to likewise halt all oil shipments to the Japanese in a show of support for the American position.

With only eighteen months worth of oil stocks, the question is whether the Japanese will acquiesce to American demands to pull back from Russia.

SOURCE: Houston Chronicle

Asia - March 1941

The New Republic of Xinjiang Proclaimed

November 27, 1940 - Sheng Shicai declared Xinjiang an independent nation today officially breaking away from Chiang Kai-Shek's government.

Xinjiang, though nominally a province of China, had been a de facto protectorate of the Soviet Union's up until September. Following the Second Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Sheng purged Xinjiang of all communist elements in order to curry favor with Chiang and the Kuomintang. His need for allies had grown with Mengjiang nipping at his eastern borders and no Soviet troops to help hold them back. To Sheng's regret, Chiang greatly distrusted him refusing to grant him aid and even calling for his ousting as governor of Xinjiang.

Many believe Sheng's declaration of independence is nothing more than show. Without Stalin or Chiang to protect him, he has seemingly chosen the Japanese as his new patrons. Treaties have already been signed between Sheng's new government and Japan allowing for a contingent of the Kwantung Army to be based there as well as various trade and economic treaties. There is already talk of Japanese investment in the new country.

SOURCE: The Philadelphia Bulletin

Asia: January 1940

Threat of War Averted

August 31, 1934 - Chiang Kai-shek once more has bowed to Japanese aggression, ceding control of Peking and Tianjin. Aides cite an intense conflict with communist forces for his decision to surrender rather than fight. "Internal pacification before external resistance" has become the buzz words of Chiang, though how much he will have left to defend with should he finally crush the communists is yet to be seen.

With an ever weakening Chinese situation, anonymous claim Germany may be rethinking its military alliance. Already, Reich officials have begun meeting with their Japanese counterparts for the possible formation of a order-shaking alliance.

As for China, the current situation continues to look bleak. The North China Plain is now wide open as a possible invasion route into the heart of China itself. With Germany edging away, the Japanese further emboldened, and a civil war with no end in sight, how long before Chiang's China falls apart?

SOURCE: New York Times

Peking Falls!

August 1, 1934 - Peking fell to Japanese forces today when Chinese forces retreated following defeat after the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. Many believe Tianjin will fall within a day.

Many see this as a culmination of Japanese ambitions as they continue to march throughout China on their way to supreme domination. The question is whether Chinag Kai-shek will return to the negotiating table or finally declare war. The latter remains an unrealistic bet as to do so would put Chiang in a two front war against both the Japanese and the communists. Numerous allies are pleading with Chinag to make peace with the communists and forge a united front before the whole of China is lost.

SOURCE: New York Times

32nd President: John N. Garner

John Nance Garner
32nd President of the United States
(March 4, 1933 - January 20, 1941)

With over thirty years of prior political experience, including serving as Speaker of the House of Representatives, John N. Garner was well prepared for the office of President of the United States. He would later say he was forced by the Democrats to run in 1932 when all he wanted was to remain in his beloved House as Speaker. His ascension to the presidency came unexpectedly, his being elected vice-president in the 1932 election. He had prepared himself for his role in "a no man's land somewhere between the legislative and the executive branch." After the assassination of President-elect Franklin Roosevelt on February 15, 1933, he found himself removed from that "purgatory" and the executive office thrust upon him as if by fate. Many found this fitting as Garner was so stubborn only an act of God could change his mind.

Despite the gloom which surrounded the beginning of Garner's presidency, he quickly went to work passing a series of banking reform laws, emergency relief programs, work relief programs, and agricultural programs whose goal were to stabilize the national economy and stimulate growth. Though hailed for his professional actions, Garner's private life would shy away from the spotlight.

Many would dub Garner the most reclusive and quiet president since Coolidge, refusing offers to give weekly fifteen-minute radio addresses because he thought they would be exploitative of his office. He was notorious for avoiding obligations to represent America at a variety of ceremonial and gala affairs, adamantly protecting his privacy and personal time with his wife. He was also known to refuse accompaniment by the Secret Service, stating, "I don't want those constables with me. If there's anybody crazy enough to shoot me, I'd be easy to replace."

Garner's administration began to drift towards the center following the beginning of economic recovery in 1934. Early signs of this drift were seen as early as 1933 when Garner vetoed the National Recovery Act, instead authorizing only parts of the legislation which would have established a massive bureaucracy to oversee the national economy. In later years, he steadfastly opposed recognition of the Soviet Union, broke up the Flint Sit-Down Strikes, and passed the Neutrality Act which assured American isolationism and tied the hands of future administrations in dealing with conflicts in Europe and Asia.

With the economy recovering, Garner easily won re-election in 1936. His second term would be far more conservative than his first. Stating, "I believe in executive leadership, not executive rulership," Garner vetoed any and all bills that reached him calling for increased federal spending or government intervention in the economy despite the Recession of 1937. He strongly advocated a balanced federal budget and continued to do so despite the events which would transpire across Europe and Asia at the end of his term. Even after Nazi successes in Europe, Garner stood against any attempts to increase the size of the military pointing out, "the incredible fortifications of the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans against invasion by the Huns or the Japs." This opinion would include opposition to Lend-Lease proposals by internationalist members of Congress. Garner would also oppose economic sanctions against Japan for the ongoing conflict in China. "The idea of starting a war over the deaths of a few Chinamen isn't worth a pitcher of warm piss," he declared. The only military spending of a sizable nature were the Yorktown Class Aircraft Carriers in 1933. When naval limitations were lifted in 1937 with the cessation of the Washington Naval Treaty, the navy pressed Garner to accede to the building of 32 Essex Class Aircraft Carriers as well as other programs. Garner vehemently refused. He didn't want to get involved in an arms race, especially with the downturn of the economy. The navy would have to make due with what they had.

Outspoken, rustic, and strong minded, Garner was an overpowering force who did his best to guide America out of the Great Depression. Guided into the presidency against his will, he served to the best of his ability in one of the most trying times in American history.

SOURCE: Biographical Directory of the United States Congress

Defense of the Great Wall

The Defense of the Great Wall (January 1 – May 31, 1930) was a battle between the armies of Republic of China and Empire of Japan.

Part of what the Japanese called Operation Nekka, this conflict was also known as the First Battle of Hopei (Hebei province). Operation Nekka was a Japanese military campaign which followed the 1928/29 invasion of Manchuria.

Following the establishment of the puppet state of Manchukuo, the Japanese military presence extended from Manchuria into "China proper". On 1 January 1930, the Japanese demanded that the Chinese 626th Regiment of the Northeastern Army, guarding Shanhai Pass, evacuate the pass defenses. Later they began bombarding Shanhaiguan, the Japanese 8th Division issued an ultimatum, and then attacked the pass with the support of 3 armoured trains and 10 tanks. On January 3, 626th Regiment, unable to withstand this attack, evacuated from the pass after losing of half his force while the Japanese incurred casualties estimated at 500. On January 3, Shanhai Pass had fallen to the Japanese.

Rehe was the next target. The Japanese began to organize another operation. Assigned to this Operation Nekka were the 6th Division and 8th Division and 14th and 33rd Mixed Brigades of infantry, 4th Cavalry Brigade and the 1st Special Tank Company.

By January 28th, two attacks were planned, 8th Division and two brigades were to attack four passes along the Great Wall from Jinzhou to Yixian, and the 6th Division, 4th Cavarly Brigade and the Tank Company were to attack Chifeng via Tongliao, Zhangwu and Hushan. The attack was scheduled for Feb 21st. The Japanese army's chief of staff requested Emperor Hirohito's sanction for a 'strategic operation' against Chinese forces in Rehe. Hoping that it was the last of the army's operations in the area and that it would bring an end to the Manchurian matter, the Emperor approved, while stating that the army was not go beyond China's Great Wall.
After intense fighting during the Battle of Rehe, the Chinese retreated on March 1.

Falling back from Jehol, 32nd Corps retreated to Lengkou Pass, while the 29th Corps fell back, 37th Division retreated to Xifengkou Pass, and 25th Division to the Gubeikou Pass.

On March 4th, 139th Division of the KMT 32nd Corps recovered Lengkou Pass. On March 7th, 67th Corps beat off attacks by the 16th Brigade of the Japanese 8th Division, at Gubeikou Pass. 25th Division's relief forces also arrived.

On March 9th, Chiang Kai-shek began to relocate his forces away from his campaign against the Jiangxi Soviet. Chiang Kai-shek also called over 7th Corps from Suiyuan. On March 11th, Japanese troops pushed up to the Great Wall.

Over twenty close assaults were launched, with sword armed Northwestern Army soldiers repelling them. However on March 21st, the Japanese took Yiyuankou Pass. 29th Corps evacuated from Xifengkou Pass on April 8th. On April 11th, Japanese troops retook Lengkou Pass after dozens of seesaw fights over the pass defenses and Chinese forces at Jielingkou abandoned that pass. The Chinese army was significantly underarmed in comparison with the Japanese in heavy weapons and many units were equipped only with trench mortars, a few heavy machine guns, some light machine guns and rifles, but mostly handguns, grenades, and traditional Chinese swords. Beaten back by overwhelming Japanese firepower, on May 20, the Chinese army retreated from their remaining positions on the Great Wall.

On May 22, Chinese and Japanese representatives met at Tanggu, Tianjin, to negotiate the end of the conflict. The resulting Tanggu Truce was extremely unfavorable and humiliating to the Chinese. The agreement created a demilitarized zone extending one hundred kilometers south of the Great Wall, which the Chinese army could not enter, thus greatly reducing the territorial security of China proper. Secondly, the Japanese were allowed to use reconnaissance aircraft or ground units to make sure that the Chinese stayed out of the zone. In essence, the Chinese government was forced to acknowledge the puppet status of Manchukuo, in addition to the loss of Rehe to the Japanese in the battle. In addition, the demarcated zone rested largely within the remaining territory of Zhang Xueliang, who had already lost Manchuria in the Mukden Incident.

SOURCE: Imperial Archives

January 31 Incident

Following the death of Zhang Zuolin, Japan acquired the vast northeastern region of China and would eventually establish the puppet government of Manchukuo. However, the Japanese military was not satisfied and planned to increase Japanese influence further, especially into Shanghai where it had concessions. In order to achieve this, the Japanese needed to create incidents to provide some pretexts justifying further military action in China. On January 21, 1932, five Japanese monks were beaten near the Sanyou Factory by agitated Chinese civilians. Meanwhile, some instigated Japanese men burnt down the factory and killed one and hurt several police officers sent by the Chinese authorities. This caused an upsurge of anti-Japanese protests against Japanese presence in the city and its concessions, as residents of Shanghai marched onto the streets. They also called for boycott of Japanese goods.

The situation by this time could break out into mass rioting. By January 30, the Japanese military had already concentrated around thirty ships, forty airplanes, and nearly seven thousand troops around the shoreline of Shanghai, to put down any resistance in case violence broke out with the justification it had to defend its own concessions. The Japanese also issued an ultimatum to the Shanghai municipal government, demanding a public condemnation and monetary compensation by the Chinese for any Japanese interest damaged in the monk incident, and that the Chinese government actively put down all anti-Japanese protests in the city. In the afternoon of January 31, the Shanghai municipal government agreed to these demands. However, around midnight, three thousand Japanese troops proceeded to attack various targets, such as train stations, around the city. The Chinese 19th Route Army put up a fierce resistance and the Japanese hastily retreated. Chiang Kai-shek also sent his 5th Army, including his elite 87th and 88th divisions, into the fray. Thus the Battle of Shanghai began.

Because Shanghai was a metropolitan city with many foreign interests invested in it, other countries, such as the United States and Great Britain, attempted to negotiate with Japan right from the start for a ceasefire. However, Japan refused and continued to mobilize more and more troops into the region around Shanghai to fight the Chinese defenders. On January 15, American, British, and French representatives brokered a half-day respite for humanitarian relief to civilians caught in the crossfire. On February 15, the Japanese issued another ultimatum, demanding that the Chinese retreat twenty kilometers from the Shanghai foreign concession border, which was promptly refused by the Chinese forces. This only intensified fighting in the city. The Japanese were still not able to take the city and by the middle of February their number was increased to nearly ninety thousand, supported by eighty warships and three hundred airplanes. Japanese bombardments also increased to force the Chinese away from their defensive positions, while commercial and residential districts were torched for the same purpose. The Chinese positions deteriorated rapidly as they were without naval and armored support, and their numbers dwindled to fewer than fifty thousand, while the Japanese had a hundred thousand troops supported by aerial and naval bombardment.

On March 5, the 19th Route Army issued a telegram stating that they had to pull out of Shanghai because of lack of supplies and manpower. The next day, the 19th Route Army and the 5th Army retreated from Shanghai, marking the official end of the battle.

SOURCE: Wikipedia

Manchukuo Established

December 1928 - In an alliance between General Yang Yuting and the Kwantung Army following the chaos that nearly shattered Manchuria as numerous contenders to Zhang Zuolin's throne emerged, unrest throughout the country was gradually quelled as all organized resistance found itself crushed by their forces in order to return peace to the land. Their victory did not immediately end all conflict as numerous Chinese volunteer armies arose consistently battling to oust Japanese and pro-Japanese forces for the next several years.

With many in Manchuria holding negative views of Yang Yuting as a traitor and puppet of the Japanese, the Kwantung Army decided it best to create a new government under a respected head of state. Thus, they established the independent kingdom of Manchukuo under the last Chinese Emperor Puyi (though he served as Chief Executive from 1929 -1931 before being declared Emperor). Yang Yuting would be appointed head of Manchukuo's military as well as Pu-yi's Prime Minister.

SOURCE: The First Emperor of Manchukuo: The autobiography of Aisin-Gioro Pu Yi